Death Penalty Issues: Wrongful Convictions, Costs, and Counsel

The main issues with the death penalty in the United States cluster around a handful of persistent problems: racial and economic disparities in who gets sentenced to die, uneven quality of defense counsel, wrongful convictions that keep surfacing decades after trial, unresolved fights over execution methods, and costs that run higher than life imprisonment. The Constitution sets outer limits on who can be executed and how, but within those limits the system produces outcomes that critics and courts alike have documented for years. Around 2,100 people currently sit on death rows in 27 states and the federal system, most having waited more than a decade for a final resolution.

Who the Constitution Says Cannot Be Executed

Before looking at how the system misfires, it helps to know where it is not allowed to operate at all. The Supreme Court has drawn several categorical lines.

No one can be executed for a crime committed before turning 18. The Court established that rule in Roper v. Simmons (2005), reasoning that juveniles are less culpable than adults because their brains are still developing and their character is not yet fully formed.1Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. Roper v. Simmons Federal law says the same.2Office of the Law Revision Counsel. 18 USC 3591 – Sentence of Death

People with intellectual disability are also off-limits. Atkins v. Virginia (2002) held that executing them violates the Eighth Amendment because their reduced culpability undermines both deterrence and retribution.3Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. Atkins v. Virginia The Court left states to write their own clinical criteria, which produced a patchwork of standards. Some states tried rigid IQ cutoffs, and in Hall v. Florida (2014) the Court struck down a rule that treated any score above 70 as automatically disqualifying, ruling that IQ tests carry an inherent margin of error and defendants within that margin must be allowed to present other clinical evidence.4Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. Hall v. Florida

Someone lawfully sentenced to death cannot be executed if they are no longer mentally competent to understand what is happening. Ford v. Wainwright (1986) barred executing a person unaware of the punishment or the reason for it.5Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. Ford v. Wainwright Panetti v. Quarterman (2007) sharpened the standard: a prisoner must have a rational understanding of why they are being put to death, not just bare awareness of the state’s stated reason.6Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. Panetti v. Quarterman A defendant competent at trial can deteriorate over years on death row, and when that happens the execution must be postponed.

The death penalty is also effectively limited to crimes that result in a death. Kennedy v. Louisiana (2008) struck down a state law that allowed capital punishment for the rape of a child.7Cornell Law Institute. Kennedy v. Louisiana Federal law preserves narrow exceptions for offenses such as espionage and treason, but in practice nearly every death sentence in the country is for murder.

Race and Money in Who Gets Sentenced to Death

The most studied disparity in capital sentencing is the race of the victim. The Baldus study, which analyzed more than 2,000 murder cases in one state, found that defendants who killed white victims were substantially more likely to receive a death sentence than those who killed Black victims.8Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. McCleskey v. Kemp

The Supreme Court acknowledged that data in McCleskey v. Kemp (1987) but ruled that statistics about system-wide racial patterns are not enough to overturn any single death sentence. A defendant has to prove that the specific prosecutors, judge, or jurors in their own case acted with discriminatory intent. That burden has proven nearly impossible to meet, and the disparity the study documented has not gone away. McCleskey remains one of the most criticized decisions in criminal law.

Money creates a parallel divide. A capital trial demands forensic experts, mental health professionals, investigators to build a life-history mitigation case, and attorneys experienced in the specialized world of death penalty litigation. Defendants who can afford private counsel get those resources. Defendants who cannot, which is the vast majority, depend on public defenders juggling heavy caseloads and thin budgets for experts. The quality of representation in a capital case tracks closely with what the defendant can pay for.

The Quality of Defense Counsel

The Sixth Amendment guarantees effective representation, but the test for proving a violation is hard to meet. Under Strickland v. Washington (1984), a defendant must show both that counsel’s performance fell below an objective standard of reasonableness and that the poor performance actually changed the outcome.9Congress.gov. Amdt6.6.5.6 Prejudice Resulting from Deficient Representation Under Strickland Courts give substantial deference to any decision that could be characterized as strategic, even when the choice looks poor in hindsight.

Where this matters most is the penalty phase. A competent defense team will spend months investigating the defendant’s childhood, mental health history, substance abuse, trauma, and cognitive functioning to build a case for a life sentence. When an overworked or inexperienced attorney skips that investigation, the jury never hears the evidence that most often tips the scales toward life. Post-conviction litigation in capital cases frequently centers on exactly this failure, with new lawyers uncovering mitigation evidence trial counsel never bothered to find.

Wrongful Convictions and Innocence Claims

Since 1973, at least 200 people sentenced to death have been exonerated. The causes recur: eyewitness misidentification, unreliable forensic evidence, false confessions, informants with incentives to lie, and misconduct by police or prosecutors. Post-conviction DNA testing has produced some of the most dramatic exonerations, sometimes clearing people who spent decades on death row, but most wrongful convictions are uncovered through reinvestigation of the original evidence rather than new scientific testing.

Raising an innocence claim after trial is legally difficult, especially in federal court. The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 sharply limited state prisoners’ ability to file successive habeas corpus petitions.10Congress.gov. Public Law 104-132 – Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 A second or successive petition can only proceed if it relies on a new rule of constitutional law made retroactive by the Supreme Court, or if the factual basis could not have been discovered earlier through reasonable diligence and the new facts would establish by clear and convincing evidence that no reasonable factfinder would have convicted.11Office of the Law Revision Counsel. 28 USC 2244 – Finality of Determination The petition also has to be approved by a three-judge panel of the court of appeals before a district court can hear it. The whole structure is built to preserve the finality of state court judgments, which creates obvious tension when the person challenging the conviction may be innocent.

More than half of all prisoners currently on death row have been there for over 18 years. Long stays widen the window for new evidence to appear, but they also mean witnesses die, memories fade, and physical evidence degrades. And the finality of execution makes these cases uniquely high-stakes. Every other type of wrongful conviction can be partially remedied by releasing the person. A wrongful execution cannot.

Execution Methods and the Drug Shortage

Lethal injection is still the dominant method, but it has been in trouble for over a decade. Around 2010, pharmaceutical manufacturers began refusing to sell drugs for use in executions, citing their products’ intended purpose of treating illness. States responded by turning to compounding pharmacies with limited regulatory oversight or by experimenting with untested drug combinations.

Challenging a method under the Eighth Amendment is an uphill fight. Baze v. Rees (2008) held that a method is unconstitutional only if it presents an “objectively intolerable” risk of serious harm.12Supreme Court of the United States. Baze v. Rees Glossip v. Gross (2015) raised the bar by requiring a prisoner to identify a known and available alternative method that would significantly reduce the risk of severe pain.13Justia U.S. Supreme Court Center. Glossip v. Gross Bucklew v. Precythe (2019) reinforced the requirement and clarified that the alternative must be specific enough that a court could find the state could carry it out “relatively easily and reasonably quickly.”14Supreme Court of the United States. Bucklew v. Precythe In practice, that framework puts nearly the entire burden on the prisoner, and proving that a readily available less painful alternative exists is especially hard when drug manufacturers are actively blocking access to the drugs that might serve as one.

As of 2026, five states have authorized nitrogen hypoxia as an execution method: Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Oklahoma. In some of those states it is available only when lethal injection drugs cannot be obtained or when the inmate chooses it. Alabama carried out the first nitrogen hypoxia execution in 2024, immediately drawing new litigation over whether the method causes unconstitutional suffering. Other states have revived the electric chair and firing squads as backup options.

Cost Compared to Life Without Parole

Capital cases cost significantly more than non-capital murder prosecutions at every stage. Capital defendants are typically assigned two attorneys instead of one. Both sides need forensic experts, mental health professionals, and extensive investigation. Jury selection alone runs far longer than in ordinary cases because prospective jurors must be individually questioned about their views on the death penalty. Capital trials run roughly four times longer than non-capital murder trials.

After sentencing, every death sentence triggers a mandatory series of appeals through state and then federal courts, all funded by taxpayers. Those appeals exist because the system has repeatedly caught errors serious enough to overturn convictions and death sentences, sometimes after the inmate had come within hours of execution. Most cases in which prosecutors seek death do not end in an execution. Many resolve in plea bargains or life sentences, and a large share of imposed death sentences are eventually overturned. Defendants in those overturned cases still spent years or decades in the more expensive death row housing while their cases moved through the courts. Studies consistently find that capital punishment imposes a net cost to taxpayers compared to life without parole, driven largely by the legal complexity the Constitution demands before the government can take a life.

Where the Federal Death Penalty Stands

Federal law authorizes capital punishment for a narrower set of crimes than most states. The main federal capital offenses involve intentional killings, but death is also available for espionage and treason without a resulting death.2Office of the Law Revision Counsel. 18 USC 3591 – Sentence of Death Large-scale drug trafficking operations that involve murder or attempted murder of public officials, witnesses, or jurors also qualify.

The federal death penalty was largely dormant for decades until a wave of executions in 2020 and early 2021. A moratorium followed under the Biden administration and was rescinded in early 2025. The Department of Justice then directed federal prosecutors to seek the death penalty in all appropriate cases and authorized capital charges against dozens of defendants.15Department of Justice. The Justice Department Takes Actions to Strengthen the Federal Death Penalty The DOJ has reinstated its single-drug lethal injection protocol and directed the Bureau of Prisons to develop backup methods including firing squad, electrocution, and lethal gas for situations where the primary drug is unavailable. As of mid-2026, only three people remain on federal death row, though that number could grow as new capital prosecutions move forward.